The Union Meeting on Saturday.

NEWS OF 150 YEARS AGO

January/February 1861

From The Missouri Democrat, Monday, January 14, 1861.

THE UNION MEETING

ON SATURDAY.

An Immense Multitude at the Court House.

SPEECH OF JUDGE A. GAMBLE.

THE RESOLUTIONS.

SPEECHES BY WRIGHT, BOGY, WHITTLESY, AND OTHERS.

For weeks past there had been a wide spread desire of people of all classes, pursuits and professions in St. Louis for a genuine, earnest and pure Union meeting. In such a meeting, men of every party aside from the distinctively secession faction, could most cordially participate. Such a meeting would unquestionably have exerted an immense influence for unalloyed good in this and other States. A meeting of the character described was called, and the hearts of all the people, the treason cockade faction alone excepted, warmly responded to the call. The appropriate and carefully worded call was for a meeting “of all citizens who believe that the rights and prosperity of all sections of the country can be better protected within the American Union than by destroying the Government.”

This emphatic and patriotic call, prominently and for several days advertised, involved all citizens thus unqualifiedly in favor of the Union, to convene in mass meeting at the Court House at two o’clock, P. M., of Saturday, the 12th inst.

The Union meeting was accordingly the absorbing topic in the city last Saturday. For hours before the designated time, throngs gathered in the vicinity of the Court House, and engaged in animated conversational discussion upon the questions agitating the country, and upon the precise character the meeting would probably assume. It had, unfortunately, become too apparent that a very large portion of the citizens called, in fact the plurality of the voters of St. Louis, were to be excluded from participation in the meeting. Not all citizens believing that the rights of all sections can be better protected within the Union than by destroying the Government, were to be allowed to join the proceedings. The platform on which all such citizens could stand was to be displaced by a narrower one. The determination to effect this, existed on the part of those with whom the call for the meeting apparently originated, and, in the excited state of men’s minds, could not be prudently resisted.

At 2 P. M. some twelve thousand citizens had assembled at the Court House, the platform being occupied by the managers of the meeting. The multitudes continued to increase, until scarcely less than fifteen thousand persons were present. The masses densely crowded on Fourth street made it almost impossible for the street cars to pass through, and led to the temporary removal of the Fourth street cars to Fifth street. The display of the stars and stripes in all quarters of the city showed impressively the deep interest and real sentiment of the people. Main street was nearly lined with the bunting of the national ensign. Second street, Third street, Franklin avenue, and numerous other thoroughfares exhibited similar tokens of the popular feeling. Fourth street, in the vicinity of the Court House, was resplendent with the glorious symbol of Liberty and Union.

The meeting was called to order by Capt. N. J. Eaton, on whose motion Col. Robert Campbell was called to preside. Thanking the citizens for the honor thus conferred upon him, and expressing his trust that the deliberations would be characterized by prudence and good feeling towards all classes, he took the chair amid enthusiastic applause.

On motion, the following gentlemen were appointed Vice Presidents:

Col. John O’Fallon,	Wayman Crow,
Bernard Pratte,	M. Brotherton,
D. A. January,	James H. Lucas,
Archibald Gamble,	L. M. Kennett,
James E. Yeatman,	John M. Krum,
George Penn,	John F. Darby,
Gerard B. Allen,	N. Paschal,
D. D. Mitchell,	Adolphus Meier,
Andrew Harper,	Isaac H. Sturgeon,
Gen. N. Ranney,	Sol. Smith,
Edward Haren,	Samuel Gaty,
D. H. Donovan,	R. J. Lockwood,
Andrew Christy,	J. R. Brant,
J. B. Alexander,	J. Clarkson,
Dr. M. L. Linton,	Charles Todd,
Thomas Skinner,	P. G. Camden,
Edward Dobyns,	J. W. Miles,
H. E. Bridge,	John A. Brownlee,
Erastus Wells,	John G. Priest,
Wm. Patrick,	M. M. Pallen,
John Hogan,	Robert M. Funkhouser,
L. D. Baker,	Dan’l G. Taylor,
John McCune,

Messrs. E. N. Tracy and J. B. S. Lemoine, were appointed Secretaries.

Committee on Resolutions—John D. Opalter, Logan Hunton, Albert Todd, A. S. Mitchell, C. C. Whittlesy, and W. T. Wood.

On motion the Committee retired to prepare the resolves. Judge Hamilton was then called upon for a speech, and was received with great applause.

He said that if this were a party meeting, he would not be found here. He came because it was not a party meeting, but a meeting of men of all parties, for the Union. He was not a partisan, but whenever he found any portion of the people met in favor of the Union, his services were at their command. His heart was with Union men, and he could find no sacrifice too great to make for the success of so sacred a cause. At this crisis of the country’s history, when the dearest rights and liberties were endangered, when the Union fraught with so many and invaluable blessings was threatened, he could not remain silent. [At this point the speaker was interrupted by the playing of a band of musicians on the awning opposite. When, after considerable effort, the music was stopped, he proceeded.] When he came to this city, forty years ago, he found St. Louis a village, with a population of four thousand; now there were one hundred and seventy thousand people in the city of St. Louis. When he came here, a census was taken for the admission of Missouri into the Union, and then, St. Louis included, Missouri had only a population of sixty thousand. It was now twelve hundred thousand. To what was this increase and prosperity attributable? He attributed it to the Union—emphatically, to the Union. Citizens of all the other States had come here, feeling that here they were fully at home, that they were still in the United States of America, and having undoubting confidence that all their interests were here absolutely secured by the government under which they were born. Foreigners, too, had come here. They came because of the high position Missouri occupied as a member of the American Union, to settle upon her ample and fertile land beneath the protection of a great, free and glorious government. On the map, Missouri was known as part of the United States of America. The emigrant came to the United States, and in looking for an eligible place to settle under its beneficent government, he came to Missouri. Thus it was that this great State had grown up, in consequence of the Union. What is our condition as a people? what the condition of the whole country? Aside from the late unhappy divisions, it is one of the most unexampled prosperity. We have prospered as no other people ever prospered. Six months ago there was an entire harmony, and the prospect before us, and especially before the people of this State was a career of unbounded prosperity. We were projecting great measures for improvement and internal progress. There was a rich promise of a rapid development of our unlimited resources. This great nation, with all its diversified industry and capabilities, its variety of climate and soil, its hills and vales, rivers, prairies and savannahs, formed a grand and powerful and prosperous whole, a people respected and feared, whose flag affords protection and security wherever it waves. Then why, O why, in the name of Heaven, in the name of all that is sacred and holy, why should such a Union be dissolved—why such a country destroyed? Why should brother be arrayed against brother, and war rage throughout our borders? Why are we to be found in conflict with those with whom we have been associated all our lives? Can any reason be given? Why is it that we should act like a parcel of spoiled children? Foolish boys sometimes break in pieces watches that their parents have given them, just to see what is inside. The people so bent on the destruction of the government, are acting the part of such foolish boys. What is the matter? What is it that is wanted? Is there anything in the Constitution, anything in the government of the United States, anything in the action of that government thus far, that is complained of? What, after all, is it that anybody has to complain of? The fact is that no complaint is made against the United States Government, which it is proposed to destroy? What then is the justification for these clamors for disunion? If there is such justification, it can be found only in one or the other of three causes. It must be either the anticipated action of the Government, the apprehension that some wrong will be done, or the acts of the States, or else the existence of inimical and hostile feelings in certain States. But what is there in the future to apprehend? “I speak as to wise men; judge ye what I say.” What can there be, in the mere anticipation of future evil to justify us in rushing upon present destruction? to justify us in tearing down the only fabric of constitutional liberty that ever has been erected? In God’s name, I stand for our rights. But let us stand in the Union. Let us not rashly rush forward to destroy the work of our fathers—the best work of the world—because we are afraid that something is to happen! Wait till the evil comes. Why, in an hour of passion, should we destroy all that we have hitherto held sacred, in anticipation of evil that may not come? He was not here to impugn the principles of any party, but in his sober judgment it was the greatest madness to tear down a government through mere apprehension of evil. Such a course would be neither wise, prudent, nor courageous, but the contrary. We take no such course in our personal affairs. If wronged, we quietly seek redress in accordance with the forms of the Government, and we justly regard it as folly to bring the greatest possible disasters upon ourselves, through fear of a contingent evil.

That certain States have passed laws in violation of our rights is true. They have passed unconstitutional laws. Shall we, therefore, go out of the Union, and a great many more? Shall we break away with indecent haste, and destroy the very authority constituted for our redress? Is that the mode to redress? Is that the way to redress our wrong? And don’t you see that the Governors of these States are already recommending the repeal of these unconstitutional enactments? Why not wait? Why in such hot haste to break up the Union? We see the Governor of Pennsylvania, of New York, and other Governors earnestly urging the reconsideration of the laws complained of, and the removal of all reasons for complaint. Shall we break up the Union, like boys in a pot? When we went to war with England in 1812, against her claim to impress American seamen, how did the people then act? Did they go to war as soon as an American seaman was impressed? No! They demanded redress. They waited to see if the wrong would be persisted in, to be satisfied beyond doubt that redress would not be given, that there was no disposition to give it, and that the wrong would be persisted in. When they were thus satisfied, they went to war. [A voice, “And whipped ’em too!”] Yes, and that’s the kind of people that generally do whip, the people who have coolness and judgment, and the sagacity to know when it is time to fight, and not the people who rush at once upon extreme measures and decide the most momentous questions in an hour of passion. Let us act in this crisis with dignity and deliberateness, with calmness, forbearance and firmness, towards our sister States, and not hurry ourselves madly into a conflict disastrous to us and to them. Least of all should we act without reference to the other slave States, and follow the example of South Carolina. Did she ask consultation with us? No, the haste was too great for such a step. Had it not been that for more than thirty years there has been in the minds of many men in South Carolina, an intent to separate from the Union, there would never have been on record an instance of such unbecoming and indecent haste. We have not even been consulted with. Is the great State of Missouri to be drawn into a vortex and ruined, by any other State? Shall we rush into this whirlpool because any one or any half-dozen States rush in? All his instincts, the speaker said, were those of a citizen of Missouri of fifty years standing. He would yield in his claims of citizenship to none. He was a native of Virginia; but if she goes crazy, he was not ready to go crazy with her. Missouri’s self respect should lead her to take her own position. This boyish chivalry which would plunge a community into blood upon what was absurdly called a point of honor—the spirit in which a boy would put a chip on his shoulder and dare another to knock it off—that was a kind of statesmanship he had no toleration for. He was for Missouri and the Union as long as she can stay in it with integrity and safety. With him, honor and interest must combine, before he could think of a separation. The Cotton States, it is true, go out, but why should we? What is there in their interests identical with ours? Only this far, that we have slaves, and they have. But their pursuits are not ours. They have no particular anxiety that Missouri should go out, except that she might form a barrier of a Southern confederacy, and be the scene of strife instead of their own States.

Thus it is evident that the position of Missouri should be one of calm and dignified composure, waiting to see what will come. As yet there is no question demanding her action. Let her wait for events, and watch with sagacity their course. As a slave State, we have still the protection of the United States government—small as that may be judged. What if we were out of the Union? Then, if our slaves got to Illinois, they might turn and bow to us and bid us good morning. They would be as safe as if they were in Canada. If we were out of the Union, slavery would be destroyed in Missouri in from three to five years, at farthest. Slavery goes out, if we blot out our connection with the Union. What would Missouri be as the frontier State of a Southern Confederacy? He asked not what she would be as the frontier of a Northern Confederacy. He didn’t want it. St. Louis would be a frontier city, and the battle ground. Then you’ll find out what war is. Some men seem to have no idea of what war is. They seem to think it is to walk out with colors flying, with feathers, bright buttons, and brave clothes, and music, and have a fight, and march home to supper. War is an immensely different thing from what they are dreaming of. When you come practically to realize war, it assumes a widely different shape. A battery in Illinois could shell this city. The speaker here graphically portrayed the horrors of martial conflict, of fields of carnage, and cities sacked and burned. He then continued: It requires a great cause and a great wrong to justify any war. But the cause and the wrong must be great and imperiously urgent, so that there shall scarcely be a choice left, to justify civil war. Civil war for the cause now alleged, would be the worst and direct madness. Whatever may come, let Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and Maryland stand fast, and then, in the Union, we can confer the highest benefit to others of the South. If these, the border States stay in the Union, they can restore peace and harmony. For should the States be divided so that all on one side are slave, and all on the other side are free, there would be no mediation or barrier between them, and reconciliation could not be hoped for. But while a central power exists, it may mediate and restore harmony. But they must stand fast, and not commit themselves to the extreme views of States South or of States North. He doubted not that compromises would be made, and such compromises as would secure all the rights of all the States, and then the cotton States would be willing to come back. But in the meantime there should be none of this fury, none of this fiery and reckless ambition on the part of some men to distinguish themselves at whatever cost, and to rise by measures of desperation above the position which Providence has assigned them. There must be calmness; there must be honesty; there must be patriotism.

To him it was melancholy to find that there existed such a state of feeling as to render necessary a meeting like this. But since it was necessary, he was beyond measure gratified that the people had so heartily responded. All we hope for depends upon the preservation of the Union, and his trust was that his country would be saved by such conciliation as will unselfishly redress all wrongs. The people themselves, who are most deeply interested, should pass upon the question, and he feared not that all would then be well. Let it not be that when the Goddess of Liberty looks on that flag, and weeps as she sees one star after another fall—let her not weep with the feeling that they can never be restored, but let her not feel that the clouds will disperse, that fraternity will return, and that all those stars will come back again, and shine in the glorious firmament of our country as brightly as ever.

The Judge here gave way for the reading of the resolutions prepared by the Committee. His speech was frequently interrupted with shouts of applause, especially those parts of it in which he so warmly expressed devotion to the Union.

Judge J. D. Coalter then came forward and read the following:

THE RESOLUTIONS.

The citizens of St. Louis, in mass meeting assembled, not as party men, declare: That living as we do, under a republican form of government, whose basis is public opinion, we (a portion of the people of Missouri) believe it to be our right and duty to set forth our sentiments in this crisis of public affairs, and therefore be it

Resolved, 1. That we are warmly attached to the government under which we live; that we recognize the Federal Union as the great preservative of our liberties; that under it we have by God’s providence prospered beyond all other people, and even beyond the expectations of our patriot sires, who established it as the best means of perpetuating the blessings which they so gallantly fought for and gained.

2. That under this Government we are respected abroad, prosperous at home, and fast taking our true position in the leading nations of the earth.

3. That we do not recognize, as a necessity, any conflict between institutions of the people of this great country; but, to the contrary, we see in our widely extended territory, our varieties of climate, soil, productions, domestic institutions, modes of industry, and even modes of thought, only the grounds for a more perfect Union. In this variety we see nature’s great laws pervading all extent, and a necessary characteristic of every great people and widely extended empire.

4. Valuing as we do thus highly the American Union, we should regard its dissolution as eminently disastrous to our country, and as tending to injure the cause of national liberty throughout the world.

5. That as our forefathers denounced, so do we denounce, as hostile to the Union, the formation of all parties upon purely sectional bases; and while the temporary ascendency and triumph of such parties is not, of itself, sufficient cause for the dissolution of the Union and overthrow of the Government, yet it is sufficient cause for us to give, as we now give, earnest and solemn warning that the Union cannot continue, unless all constitutional rights are secured against encroachment.

6. That the possession of slave property is a constitutional right, and, as such, ought to be ever recognized by the Federal Government. That, if the Federal Government shall fail and refuse to secure this right, the Southern States should be found united in its defense—in which event Missouri will share the common duties and common danger of the South.

7. That the discord prevailing for forty years, between the people of the Northern and Southern States, touching the relation of the Federal Government to slavery, affords sufficient reason for all sections of the Union to require a clear and final settlement of all matters in dispute, by amendments to the Constitution, so that the slavery question may never again disturb the public peace or impair the national harmony.

8. That we have ever reposed faith in the virtue, intelligence and patriotism of the American people, and now give it as our opinion that if time and opportunity be given they will, when freed from the pernicious influence of mere politicians and demagogues, gladly and cordially agree to such terms of adjustment of our troubles as will secure for all the States equality in the Union, and re-establish fraternal relations between the people of the different sections, and revive everywhere the love for our glorious Union; and we cordially approve of the principles of adjustment contained in what are known as the Crittenden propositions; and believe that a settlement upon such a basis should and will be satisfactory to all parts of the country; and we give it as our unhesitating opinion that if opportunity for a direct vote on the propositions be given, the people, or their representatives elected for that purpose in convention, by overwhelming majorities in all parts of the Union, would be found to favor their adoption; and, in our opinion, the country can only be saved from the horrors of civil war by the adoption of some such measure of compromise.

9. That, holding these views, we are not yet prepared to abandon the Union, with all its blessings, while any may hope of adjustment remains. Until then we will maintain our place in the Union, and contend for and demand our equal and constitutional rights, and will not be content with less.

10. That in the opinion of this meeting, the employment of the military forces of the Government to enforce submission from the citizens of the seceding States, will inevitably plunge the country in civil war, and will imminently endanger, if not entirely extinguish, all hopes of a settlement of the fearful issues now pending before the country. We therefore earnestly entreat, as well the Federal Government, as the seceding States, to withhold and stay the arm of military power, and on no pretext whatever, to bring on the nation the horrors of civil war, until the people themselves can take such action as our troubles demand.

11. That the people of Missouri should meet in convention for the purpose of taking action in the present state of the nation’s affairs, at the same time to protect the union of the States and the rights and authority of this State under the constitution; and to secure a consummation so devoutly to be wished, Missouri should consult with her sister States, that by united action those fraternal feelings which fanatics at both North and South have turned into bitterness and wrath, be again restored, and mutual affection control all passion and redress all grievances.

12. That in the call of a convention, representation should be in proportion to population, as near as may be, and that final action of the convention should be submitted to the people for their approval and ratification at the polls.

The reading of the resolves was interrupted with frequent applause, coming now from one portion of the crowd and now from another, as the sentiments agreed with this or that style of opinion. It was evident that the secessionists were present, and occasionally found something in the resolutions that tallied with their views. But only the Union sentiments enunciated awoke the hearty and general approval of those who could hear them.

The question on the adoption of the resolutions was quickly put and declared carried, although only a part of the vast multitude had heard them, and a still smaller portion had voted. The “noes” were not called for.

Certain gentlemen evinced considerable anxiety that at this happy stage of their business the meeting should adjourn, and it was accordingly declared adjourned. But the immense concourse of people was not thus to be dismissed, and speeches were called for. In response to a clamorous call, Major Uriel Wright stepped upon the Secretary’s table, and made a truly eloquent and effective Union speech, a non-partisan Union speech, which was listened to with delight and rapturously applauded. The following in an imperfect and condensed sketch of his remarks:

This was one of the proudest moments of his life. To see such an innumerable concourse of people here to express their devotion to the Union, was worth living a lifetime to witness. To see the glorious stars and stripes floating over a people who would pour out their life blood in defense of our flag, was enough to kindle a fire of patriotism in the heart of every man. Those stars and stripes are the true ensign of our freedom. Every blood red stripe is an emblem of the blood our fathers shed to give us this great and glorious country. There was not a man of the Revolution but that would have gladly laid down his life in defence of our flag. And who is the dastard, the knave that would blot out one star, or that would see that flag of stars and stripes changed for another emblem? That is the flag under which Sumpter and Marion fought and fell, and we will never see it trail in the dust.

It is respected in every land under Heaven, and shall it not be respected at home? If the South Carolinian is traveling in Europe or Asia, he has no other passport to protection. Of what use would his palmetto flag be with him? No, he clings around the stars and stripes as his only hope of protection. And shall that flag be deserted? Shall the Union be ruined? If he had a voice of ten thousand cataracts he would proclaim, No! What would the Union be worth if two or three hundred thousand men could destroy it? It may be marred in some parts, but destroyed—never. The Major wished the Almighty would inspire him to say what he felt on this subject, but his voice was weak and he was obliged to conclude his remarks. He expressed the warmest attachment for the Union and called upon all to cling to it as the only hope of salvation. If a Southern republic were attempted it would not last. The people of South Carolina would want something else in a few years, and if their neighbors objected, the chivalrous Palmetto people would secede. If this Republic does not endure as a whole, it can not endure at all.

He would make a prediction which he desired to have remembered. It was this—A Southern Confederacy would never be formed. And he would make a second prophecy—that if one was formed it could not last five years. The Major then proceeded with a glowing allusion to the blessings of the Union, and proclaimed his belief that it was indissoluble in any event. He held that it could not be dissolved, that it was as solid and enduring as the earth itself, and would so prove. George Washington, it was true, warned us against the dangers surrounding us, but he pointed out the remedy and what was it? It was to stand fast in any event, to the Union of these States. [Immense applause.]

If, in this crisis of our history, the Father of his country could stand upon this spot and address you, what would he say? Would he not reiterate the advice he gave to meet such a contingency as the present? He would say, “Stand by the Union, as the only palladium of your liberties.” [Immense applause.] He (the speaker) had confidence in the people, and also believed that the Almighty was on the side of the American Union. When the Constitution was made, after long toil and effort, and years of experience, men having been prepared for that work by the ordeal of the seven years’ Revolutionary War, Washington said, “This is not our work; Providence has helped us.” Providence will protect that same work. The people will certainly sustain it at any sacrifice. If there are differences, they can be and they will be adjusted. Never can an adjustment be had by destroying the Union. [Tremendous applause and cheers for the Union.] The only hope of adjustment is by maintaining the Union and demanding and gaining the rights it guarantees.

In a similar strain the speaker pursued and closed his remarks, retiring amid irrepressible thunders of applause.

Col. Bogy then took the stand, and indulged in some general platitudes upon the blessings of the Union, proclaiming himself as good a Union man as John Bell and as good a Southern man as John C. Calhoun, after which he proceeded with a semi-secession, partisan, sectional speech, in which he was frequently interrupted by cries for “the Union.” He was for the Union, but the North had wronged the South, and now the South must have new guaranties, which he hoped and trusted would be granted, but if not, then no remedy remained but a separation. (Cries of “Not so,” “Never, never!”) But he believed the guaranties would be given. He had confidence in the people and thought that even the people of the Northern States would at last see and amend their error.

Col. Bogy was followed by C. C. Whittlesy, who made an appropriate argumentative speech for compromise and the Union. Every sentiment for Union was at once and enthusiastically applauded.

Mr. Saunders declared himself a Unionist without qualification—a sentiment which was greeted with perfect thunders of applause. He continued to aver that the true Union ground was simply, the Union without an if or any prevarication. Mr. Saunders seemed to express the genuine se[n]timent of the meeting.

Col. N. Hart, Gen. N. Ranney, Mr. Cullen, Chris. Kribben, Sol Smith, and others, followed and addressed the crowds. The speeches were generally strongly expressive of devotion to the Union; but some contrary sentiments were received with a storm of disapprobation. The feeling of the masses present unmistakably was that the only true and efficient redress for any political wrongs was to be found by sustaining the Constitution and not by destroying it.

The shades of evening were deepening before the interested crowd dispersed. The proceedings were marked throughout with order, and were unmarred by any serious attempt at disturbance.

INCIDENTS OF THE MEETING.

To any impartial person on the platform it must have been evident that anything like an unconditional desire to preserve the Union was not within the design of the meeting as managed. There were several secessionists on the platform itself. Col. L. V. Bogy and General Ranney, both of whom made rank disunion speeches at Washington Hall, being most prominent.

A gentleman on the platform drew up the following resolution, and passed it around:

Resolved, That we hail with pleasure the firm determination manifested by Major Robert Anderson, in command of Fort Sumpter, to protect the stars and stripes from insult and the federal property from illegal seizure.

Not one of those to whom it was offered on the stand would have anything to do with it, and several who were managers of the meeting expressed their disapprobation. Yet if it had been proposed to the crowd, the resolution would have passed with a perfect hurrah.

It was well known where the strength of the secessionists was congregated. Col. Thornton Grimsley, late commander of the Douglas Civil Guards, and many friends, were stationed to the north of the stand in the space where the stone cutting for the Court House work has been in progress. On the reading of the anti-coercion resolution, they were wild with applause, and it is said that the editor of the Disunion organ, the Bulletin, was frantic with delight so completely did it cover his sentiments.

Col. Bogy was called for first by a gentleman on the stand, whose name we could not learn. The call was taken up by three or four persons in the crowd, and Col. Bogy stepped forward, more pleased personally, it appeared, than the crowd, of the chance to speak.

The resolutions, though read tolerably loud by Judge Coalter, were not heard by one tenth of the vast crowd, and several gentlemen have informed us that they did not hear the negative of the question put. Nevertheless, the negative was put, but, in the hurrahing, neither the question nor the response could be heard beyond a few persons near the platform. We venture to say that the resolutions would have received an immense negative vote, if it could have been tested.

Just as the resolutions were read, there was great anxiety to adjourn. Several of the venerable gentlemen who were Vice Presidents asked Mr. Campbell to adjourn at once, and the greatest trepidation was manifested, for fear something might be rung in that didn’t accord with their sentiments. Perhaps they were afraid of the Anderson resolution.

The flag which hung over the street bore only thirty stars, and the one over the platform only thirty-one. The absence of the stars in these, however, was made up by a magnificent flag which was suspended in front of Warne & Cheever’s, on Main street. It had thirty-four stars—one for young Kansas.